Monday, February 16, 2009

Forcing Wife to Make Love

Question
Respected scholars, as-salamu `alaykum. If the husband wants to sleep with his wife but she does not want to and she is not sick and there is nothing wrong with her; she just does not like it, so he ends up sleeping with her by force, is this allowed in Islamic jurisprudence? Is this considered a kind of a rape?
Today many self-styled Islamic clerics claim that this is totally permissible according to the authentic narrations of Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him). Jazakum Allahu Khayran.

In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Most Merciful.
All praise and thanks are due to Allah, and peace and blessings be upon His Messenger.


Dear questioner, thanks a lot for your question which reflects your care to have a clear view of the teachings of Islam. Allah commands Muslims to refer to people of knowledge to get themselves well-acquainted with the teachings of Islam as well as all aspects of life.
Intimate relationship between a husband and wife is something special and we are taught by the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) that the husband should approach his wife in the most kind and affectionate way and to flirt with her before intercourse and never to deal with her harshly. If the wife refuses to have intimate relationship with her husband, she may have a good reason for that and the husband in this case should be more understanding about her conditions. Forcing the wife to make love is not an Islamic solution; rather, both spouses should have mutual understanding about this issue.

Responding to your question, the prominent Muslim scholar and da`iyah based in London Zienab Mostafa, states the following:
Intimate relations are based on mutual feelings between the husband and wife. We learn from the example of Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him) that he was the best to his wives, and he never forced them to satisfy his sexual desire. Rather, he criticized those who immediately jump into sexual intercourse without introductions that enhance the feelings between the husband and wife.
Therefore, intimate relations are not just acts to seek sexual gratification; rather they should strengthen the relationship between the couple.The wife’s refusal could be attributed to many reasons that the husband should be diligent enough to try and understand. Some of these reasons might be one of the following: her emotional state could be down, she might be expecting her monthly cycle which makes her irritated, she might not like the way her husband approaches her and she does not want to talk about it, and there could be other reasons as well.

Therefore, the husband should take the initiative and try to figure out the reason behind his wife’s refusal. Open and gentle communication between the husband and wife is important and can help resolve this issue.Of course if the husband insists on sleeping with his wife by force, it would not be considered rape since this is a right granted to him, but it is also not in accordance with Islamic teachings. Such an act contradicts the Sunnah of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) and the ethics of intercourse. Gentleness and kindness are among the manners of intimate relations in Islam.
islamonline


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Wednesday, February 11, 2009

US actions speak louder than words

US actions speak louder than words
Tue, 10 Feb 2009 19:29:08 GMT
By Marzieh Hashemi, Press TV, Tehran
Ayatollah Ali-Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani
The following is an exclusive Press TV interview with Ayatollah Ali-Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani on Iran's Islamic Revolution, the country's nuclear issue, upcoming presidential elections and the prospect of Iran-US relations.

For more than three decades, Ayatollah Rafsanjani has been at the forefront of Iranian politics. He was the speaker of the Iranian parliament, Majlis, from 1980 to1989. He also served as the president of Iran from 1989 to 1997. Currently, he holds the position of Chairman of the Assembly of Experts and the Expediency Council of Iran.

Press TV: We would like to know your perspective on what prompted Iranians to persue an Islamic Revolution instead of trying to alter the monarchial system.

Rafsanjani: Well, the popular movement in Iran started because people wanted reforms. For some time we only talked about reform, but the Shah's regime was unyielding. Instead of accepting criticisms, it resorted to violence and became more and more tyrannical. So we came to the conclusion that criticism will not work and the problem lies within the regime itself.

Press TV: Ayatollah Rafsanjani, as we know there have been a lot of hostilities between Tehran and Washington. In your perspective, what type of steps can be taken to mend this relationship and what made it reach this point where obviously relations have been severed for many decades? Is it possible to mend this relation?

Rafsanjani: Well, after the victory of the Revolution, although the Americans were very much involved in what the Shah had done, we were not looking for a fight with the Americans. All US advisors here in Iran went back to the US of their own accord.

The US embassy was open and was working here in Tehran but little by little, the embassy was turned into a center for anti-revolutionary forces and also efforts against the Revolution which gradually infuriated the people.

There was a military campaign by the US in Tabas, yet another step which angered the people again. Not long after that, they tried to stage a coup in Iran; the Nojeh Coup was orchestrated by them. Our probe into this issue pointed to American involvement.

Later, we were forced into war. With US backing, Saddam attacked Iran. The US supported Saddam Hussein's regime.

When you combine these factors and also take into consideration the resentment people felt toward US policies before the Revolution, it becomes clear why things have reached this point.

For example if the Americans acted according to our earlier agreements in The Hague, this would have been a positive step toward helping prevent the further souring of relations.

Press TV: Is there any possibility to mend this difference between Iran and the United States? What has to be done?

Rafsanjani: When I was serving as president, I announced that if the US demonstrates good will and we come to the understanding that they want to work with us and no longer have fantasies of colonizing Iran, negotiation will be a possibility.

For example, we have assets in the US, which have been illegally frozen. If Americans unfreeze our money, it will show that they are serious. We will regard that as a good will gesture and start negotiating but they have not done so to this day.

People who served after me also said the very same thing. If the US proves that it has good intentions toward Iran, there will be a possibility for talks.

Press TV: Is there any possibility right now? With President Barack Obama in office, do you think it is more likely?

Rafsanjani: Things have been said and Mr. Obama has used a vocabulary different from that of Mr. Bush. Having said that we still have not received a clear signal from the Americans. Iranian officials are waiting to see what Mr. Obama will do in practice and if he really is the bearer of good will and of course, actions speak louder than words.

Press TV: Looking back, over the past thirty years you have gone through a lot and seen a lot in the Islamic Republic. I would like to know what you would describe as your biggest regret and biggest accomplishment since the Revolution?

Rafsanjani: Achievements are those goals that one struggles to accomplish. Let me give you an example, independence was one such goal for us, we did not want to remain subservient to foreign countries.

Europeans and other Western countries had long had an unyielding hold on Iran. One of our demands was to end foreign interference in our country and gain independence. Lets not forget the tyrannical Pahlavi regime, people wanted to have freedom, to elect their own officials and this was also one of our demands.

Our people's Islamic beliefs also had a lot to do with the victory of the Islamic Revolution. Iranians demanded the enforcement of Islamic law. Today our people still have the same ideals.

After the Revolution, we tried to make our system of governance an Islamic one. No law that is against Islam can be approved. We did our best to reconstruct and rebuild the country to lessen foreign dependence.

We have made many great scientific and technological achievements and have increased the education rate. We have reconstructed the country's infrastructure and have revolutionized our defense industry. These are enormous achievements in my opinion.

Although our system of governance has been successful, there have been things we should have not done. This is true about every government as things are not always rosy.

I am sure we have made our fair share of mistakes and have not achieved some of our goals. There is a lot of work to do. There was also the issue of sanctions, which to some extent slowed our progress in certain areas.

This Revolution has prospered and for thirty years, it has not diverted from its path and has remained true to its original ideals.

Press TV: Let's look at the economic status of Iranians. What is your perspective on President Ahmadinejad's economic reforms?

Rafsanjani: Our main issue right now is to deal with and reform the subsidy system as it is not purposeful in its present form.

For example subsidies on fuel and energy are not the way they should be and it is the affluent who benefit most from these subsidies. A large portion of our society is not receiving subsidies, which they need and is their right, the way they should. This is an issue that is being debated in Majlis.

The Majlis is currently busy with the budget bill, the economic reform plan and the fifth development plan's general policies which has been referred to lawmakers by the Expediency Council. We are presently working on the fifth development plan which will aid us in achieving our goals.

Press TV: I would like to look at the upcoming presidential elections here in the Islamic Republic. What is your perspective on the upcoming elections? Do you prefer a particular group or candidate?

Rafsanjani: No. I don't have a specific opinion about any of the candidates or candidates-to-be. I am waiting for the final list of candidates to be announced in order to choose my preferred candidate.

The most important thing for me is to see the elections organized in a manner that will ensure a high turnout. We expect to see the majority of eligible voters at polling stations.

Press TV: What are the challenges the Islamic Republic is currently faced with?

Rafsanjani: The nuclear issue is a very serious international challenge for us and the US is mostly involved in it; the presence of foreign troops in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Persian Gulf region and also to our north is alarming.

On a domestic level, there is the issue of subsidies and if it remains unresolved, it will create serious problems for our economy.

A major part of our economic sector is state-owned, steps have been taken to minimize state-ownership and to steer the economy toward privatization.

Press TV: You just mentioned one of the challenges, the nuclear situation. How flexible would Iran be if the United States asked for give and take on the issue in order to warm up relations with Tehran? How much flexibility does the Islamic Republic have in dealing with the nuclear issue?

Rafsanjani: We are fully prepared to cooperate in accordance with international laws and regulations. We are a member of the UN nuclear agency, the IAEA, and the agency has very clear rules.

Any country that becomes a member has the right to benefit from peaceful nuclear technology. Of course, IAEA membership prohibits from developing a military nuclear program. This is something we approve of.

In return, we expect the agency to cooperate with us and to work with us when it comes to the nuclear issue. This is the only thing we have been asking for all along.

However, certain countries are trying to bully us. They say it is dangerous for you to have enrichment technology. This is not acceptable for us, as this is a right given to states under international rules and regulations.

NAT/AR/SME/HGH
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60 years of Nakba (1948 Palestinian catastrophe

NakbaIn 1948 over 750,000 Palestinians were driven from their homes and their lands by a systematic campaign of terrorism. The Israeli state legitimised the theft of their lands, houses, property and businesses, offering no compensation and has continued to refuse the right of the refugees to return.

The creation of the state of Israel was an act of dispossession – a brutal, colonialist assault on the Palestinians. 2008 marks 60 years since that first ethnic cleansing of Palestine and the creation of the state of Israel.

For more information about the history of Palestine and the events leading up to the Nakba visit our section "About Palestine", for factsheets, links to useful websites and recommended reading. A factsheet on the Nakba is available here.

Visit 1948:lest we forget for more information about the Nakba.

Throughout 2008 PSC is commemorating the 60th anniversary of the Nakba. On this page you will find resources on the history of the Nakba and ways that you can get involved.

Sign the PSC petition

1948 - 2008: 60 Years of Palestinian Nakba (Catastrophe) Must End. End Israeli Occupation

Sign here

Events

On the weekend of 10 May PSC and other organisations organised events to mark the 60th anniversary of the Nakba and to communicate the reality of what really happened in 1948. These included "Ila Haifa" a dance, music and theatre adaptation by al Zaytouna Dabke dance group of Ghassan Kanafani's "Returning to Haifa", and a rally and protest in central London attended by 15,000 people, see press release.

For a full list of up coming events throughout the UK visit our Calendar

The Nakba Diary: A Cause for Shame; not Celebration

The creation of the State of Israel is Palestine's Nakba- (catastophe)

On 14th May 2008, Israel will be celebrating the 60th anniversary of its 'declaration of independence'. No doubt, over the weeks to come, there will be much celebration, both in Israel and here in the UK. What will be presented to the world will be a commemoration of the legitimate and legal creation of a safe haven for Jews escaping from Europe. What you won't be told about is what actually happened in 1948 - a series of massacres, bombing of civilians, kidnaps and other terrorist atrocities that culminated in the ethnic cleansing of the land of over 750,000 Arab Palestinians and the destruction over 400 of their villages.

The United Nations had proposed a partition plan giving 55% of ancient Palestine for a Jewish state but the Zionists - who had targeted the whole of Palestine for the creation of a Jewish State long before the Nazi atrocities - took 78% of the land by terrorist tactics and military force. The civilized world regards these acts as war crimes but Zionists, then and now, see them as the wholly necessary and justified means for the creation of their Jewish State.

Those 750,000 refugees and their descendants - over seven million of them - still live today, dispossessed and destitute, in refugee camps throughout the region. Israel is in illegal occupation of Palestinian lands and is in violation of numerous UN resolutions. It is the longest and most brutal military occupation in history. International law continues to be persistently and grossly breached and fundamental human rights are infringed with impunity, especially in the Gaza strip. Israel's own deeply racist society treats its Palestinian citizens with institutionalized discrimination. We therefore owe it to these people not to allow Israel - and its supporters worldwide - by celebrating the events of 1948, to obliterate from history the sufferings and injustice endured by the Palestinians.

Our objective over the coming weeks will be to tell the true story behind Israel's birth in a Nakba Diary, which will mark the anniversary of each major event or atrocity as it occurs during the months leading up to, and following, Israel's unilateral declaration of independence. The diary is in eleven parts:

It will become clear to the reader that the events which brought the state of Israel into being should not be a cause for celebration in a civilized society but rather a cause for deep shame.

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Tuesday, February 10, 2009

Russia: Muslims oppose bell-ringing anthem

The Muslim community in Russia's Nizhny Novgorod region is opposing plans to include church bells in a proposed new regional anthem. Local authorities had earlier set a competition to compose an anthem for the region.

The work is still being composed and officials say the last thing they want to do is to hurt people's feelings.

The Muslim community wanted the regional governor to change some of the rules of the contest. Using the sound of church bells was mandatory and Muslim leaders thought this alienated other ethnic and religious groups.

"There should be no political or religious themes in the anthem. It should be something that uplifts people and brings them together. I think including religion goes against this." Said Gayaz Zakirov, spiritual leader of the region's Muslims.

The national anthem contains church bells, which are seen as a sign of Russian tradition as much as a sign of Orthodox woship.

(more)

Source: Russia Today (English)


Things one sees from The Hague

Things one sees from The Hague
Gideon Levy



When the cannons eventually fall silent, the time for questions and investigations will be upon us. The mushroom clouds of smoke and dust will dissipate in the pitch-black sky; the fervor, desensitization and en masse jump on the bandwagon will be forever forgotten and perhaps we will view a clear picture of Gaza in all its grimness. Then we will see the scope of the killing and destruction, the crammed cemeteries and overflowing hospitals, the thousands of wounded and physically disabled, the destroyed houses that remain after this war.

The questions that will beg to be asked, as cautiously as possible, are who is guilty and who is responsible. The world's exaggerated willingness to forgive Israel is liable to crack this time. The pilots and gunners, the tank crewmen and infantry soldiers, the generals and thousands who embarked on this war with their fair share of zeal will learn the extent of the evil and indiscriminate nature of their military strikes. They perhaps will not pay any price. They went to battle, but others sent them.

Read the rest of this article on the Ha'aretz website.